Statement of David Holdridge
Middle East Regional
Program Director, Mercy Corps
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Subcommittee on the Middle
East and South Asia
Subcommittee on International
Organizations, Human Rights, and Oversight
U.S. House of Representatives
Hearing on:
“No Direction Home: An NGO
Perspective on Iraqi Refugees and IDPs”
May 1, 2008, 10:00 am
2172 Rayburn House
Office Building
Mr. Chairman and
members of the Committee:
I want to express my
appreciation to Chairman Rep. William Delahunt of the International
Organizations, Human Rights and Oversight Subcommittee, Chairman Rep. Gary
Ackerman of the Middle East and South Asia Subcommittee, and to Ranking members
Rep. Dana Rohrbacher and Rep. Mike Pence for the opportunity to offer testimony
today on the current situation facing the over 4 million Iraqis who have been
displaced inside of Iraq and to surrounding countries like Jordan and Syria.
Mercy Corps has been
working in Iraq
since 2003, with support from the U.S. Agency for International Development and
other funding sources. Mercy Corps’
programs in Iraq
meet urgent humanitarian needs, strengthen communities and promote the rights
of vulnerable populations like women, youth, and persons with
disabilities. To date, we have invested
over $150 million in programs that have reached over 4.5 million beneficiaries. We also have active programs in Jordan and Syria that serve Iraqi refugees and
other vulnerable populations.
I began my work with
Mercy Corps in 2003, as the Country Director for Iraq – a post I held through
October 2005. Since that time, I have
been working as the Middle East Regional Program Director, overseeing Mercy
Corps’ programs in Iraq, Jordan, Syria,
Lebanon
and West Bank/Gaza. I have been based in
the region since 2003 and, as such, I have witnessed first-hand the impacts of
the US-led invasion, the Coalition Provisional Authority, and the post-2006
sectarian violence that has been a major cause of the dramatic increases in
displacement. My remarks today will focus
on the situation facing refugees in Jordan
and in Syria,
and on the long-term challenges this poses for the international community.
In Jordan, the
situation of Iraqi refugees is well known, in part due to the very well
developed operations of international NGOs there with full staffs and active
programs. Overall, official UN estimates
place the total number of refugees at 500,000.
However, based on data collected in a recent FAFO study, and by those
NGOs that are providing services to the refugee population, our best guess is
that the total number is actually somewhere between 150,000 and 350,000.
Iraqi refugees in Jordan
are not a homogenous group. There are a
significant number – mostly Christians – who came to Jordan
before 2003 to escape religious persecution even before the US invasion. Another significant percentage came during
the 2004 – 2005 time period: these refugees are mostly middle class Iraqis with
college educations, assets in bank accounts, and property outside of Iraq. They have likely been net contributors to Jordan’s
economy since they have invested there.
Many of them are Sunnis who saw the political changes taking place in Iraq as
unfavorable and, as such, took refuge early.
Since 2006, many more
Iraqis have taken refuge in Jordan. Refugees in this last wave of displacement
are distinct. They are mainly from the Baghdad area – although some come by way of Basra or Diyala – and they tend to be from relatively poor
backgrounds, and escaped due to sectarian violence and lack of opportunities
for a secure, dignified way of life in Iraq. This group – because they have fewer
resources and face more discrimination – has the greatest needs.
We have seen a
significant improvement in the response of the Jordanian government, which now
allows Iraqi refugee children to attend school, as well as allowing Iraqi
refugees similar access to health care as is offered to Jordanians. Largely because of the positive encouragement
and political pressure of US Embassy officials in Jordan, the government has also developed
effective means of cooperation with UN agencies and with international
NGOs.
However, most Iraqi
refugees are not in Jordan
legally, producing rampant fears of deportations – despite the fact that there
has of yet been no organized deportation of Iraqis by the Jordanian
government. This fear keeps many
refugees from registering or from accessing services that may be available to
them.
The situation in Syria
is remarkably different. There, official
UN estimates place the total number of Iraqis at roughly 1.2 million. While all Iraqis living outside of Iraq are suffering, those in Syria are in
the most precarious situation. This is
in part due to the significant challenges facing aid providers there, where all
reports indicate an assistance “traffic jam.”
Despite the allocation of resources from the international community to
address the crisis, very little is in fact getting spent.
There is insufficient
local civil society or NGO capacity in Syria, and almost all international
organizations operate in conjunction with the Syrian Arab Red Crescent. Both the Syrian Arab Red Crescent and the
High Commissioner for Refugees offices are staffed locally by civil servants
appointed by the government. They have
not developed the capacity required to effectively provide emergency or
long-term assistance to such a large number of Iraqi refugees: their systems
and staff have been overwhelmed by the magnitude of the current crisis because
these systems for aid provision are nascent and compromised. Meanwhile, most international NGOs that could
effectively deliver assistance have limited operational space, due to ongoing
apprehension on the part of the Syrian government. This means that needs assessments in Syria have not
been conducted to the level of detail required.
Most Iraqis refugees
live with local populations in marginal neighborhoods, making it much more
difficult to locate or provide services to them. Mercy Corps recently started up our programs
in Syria,
where we are now working with the Syrian Computer Society to develop training
courses for Iraqi and Syrian youth, and working with the Middle East Council of
Churches to provide assistance to Iraqi refugees. The Middle East Council of Churches works
with religious leaders from all groups – Christians, Sunnis, and Shi’as – to
locate Iraqi refugees and vulnerable Syrians and to prioritize and address
their needs. At present, this program
has remained focused on providing emergency food aid and non-food items to the
most vulnerable. The needs in terms of
education and health care remain largely unmet.
There are an estimated 34,000 Iraqi refugee children in school in Syria – out of
an overall population of over a million refugees. Mercy Corps has applied for additional
funding to continue and expand these programs in Syria, and we hope to soon be able
to address this dire situation more completely.
So where does this
situation leave us?
In the short term, it
is clear that assistance will need to be provided to many – if not most – of
these refugees. Given the historic experience
of Jordan and Syria with
accepting and integrating refugees, they are understandably reluctant to
accommodate such large numbers of Iraqis on a long term basis. To address these needs, in April Mercy Corps
joined a coalition of over 20 humanitarian organizations in calling on the US
Administration and Congress to increase humanitarian funding and to make
strategic use of international NGOs with the capacity to guarantee effective
and accountable delivery of assistance.
In the long term, it
is clear that the majority of Iraqi refugees living in Jordan and Syria will not obtain permanent
residence, and an even smaller number will be resettled to other
countries. However, to date very few Iraqis
have returned – and at present the conditions do not exist inside Iraq
to promote significant returns. In order
to return, refugees would need to feel confident that in Iraq they would not
only find adequate security, but also that they would have access to the full
range of services required for them to live dignified lives: health care,
education, electricity, shelter, and jobs.
While efforts to
encourage the Iraqi government to increase humanitarian aid are positive, this
is not just a question of whether the Iraqis have money to contribute – which
they clearly do. It is, more
importantly, a question of whether the Iraqi government is capable of effectively
budgeting and expending resources to meet basic needs and guarantee services to
all Iraqis. The international community
needs to understand that this capacity in Iraq simply does not exist. Good governance is not built overnight: it
requires substantial investments in capacity building over a whole generation. If we hold out any hope at all for a
significant return of Iraqis, it is essential that the US prioritize
assistance that supports NGO-led programs to assist the Iraqi government and
civil society in their efforts to construct systems to guarantee good
governance and effective service delivery.
Yet at present, only
a very small portion of total US assistance to Iraq supports long term capacity
building programs managed by qualified civilians professionals at the State
Department or USAID – and even less of that finances NGOs that have decades of
experience doing complex development work.
The Provincial Reconstruction Teams in Iraq - rather than effectively
improving the performance of Iraqi government Ministries or increasing the participation
of local citizens - create parallel systems for service delivery that are, at
best, a short term fix for ensuring that some assistance reaches people despite
the massive bottlenecks that continue to plague the Iraqi government.
The only viable long
term solution to this crisis is to ensure that someday Iraqis will be able to
return home. For this reason, it will be
essential for US policy makers to ensure that the overall policy goals for Iraq include support for robust programs to
promote the development of good governance and community participation
throughout Iraq.